<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom">
<title>Carnegie II Conference Papers</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11090/678" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11090/678</id>
<updated>2026-03-15T14:29:21Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-03-15T14:29:21Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Men without children</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11090/881" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Reynolds, Pamela</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11090/881</id>
<updated>2017-05-18T15:12:58Z</updated>
<published>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Men without children
Reynolds, Pamela
INTRODUCTION:  Let us begin with a van der Merwe joke. Only it is not a joke, the MinisteR of Health, Dr Nak van der Merwe, in introducing the Child Care Bill to Parliament acknowledged the general concept that the family was the normal social and biological structure in which the child should develop  (The Argus, 10 May 1983). Yet in 1983, the children of many migrants were denied the possibility of living with their fathers for eleven months and one week, 94 per cent of the year. And not only in 1983. Many children are denied the possibility of living with their fathers for year upon year: sometimes for their entire childhood. They are denied the right to develop within what Dr. van der Merwe concedes to be the normal social and biological structure.
I am grateful to the men of Guguletu and Langa who spent many hours talking to me at some risk to themselves.  My thanks are due to my assistant for his patience and commitment to the work. and to Dave Roche-Kelly for gathering data for me.
</summary>
<dc:date>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>The dimensions of poverty</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11090/880" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Ellis, G.F.R</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11090/880</id>
<updated>2017-05-18T15:09:35Z</updated>
<published>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">The dimensions of poverty
Ellis, G.F.R
INTRODUCTION:  While the concept of 'poverty' is often taken to refer simply to economic poverty, it has long been realised that when properly understood, 'poverty' has features that transcend this simple concept. For example, it has social aspects (which has led to the debate on the"concept of 'poverty culture') and political features. The question that occurs, then, is what are the dimensions of poverty? That is, what are the different aspects of poverty that are important features of the phenomenon, yet are in a significant sense independent of each other?  The aim of this paper is to explore this question. In essence we are asking, what are the different kinds of poverty?  Supporting the view that the concept one is trying to grasp is wider than is expressed in the phrase 'economic poverty', it is proposed that there are indeed other dimensions that should be distinguished, and which are important enough to be denoted by specific names. It will be argued that specifically  distinguishing these aspects and applying their names to the situation, when appropriate, is a significant step both in clarifying the nature of poverty in general, and in analysing speciific situations where the label 'poverty' is applicable in particular.
</summary>
<dc:date>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Measuring poverty in rich and poor countries</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11090/879" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Beckerman, Wilfred</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11090/879</id>
<updated>2017-05-18T15:08:45Z</updated>
<published>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Measuring poverty in rich and poor countries
Beckerman, Wilfred
INTRODUCTION:  There is, of course, no objective "scientifically correct"
concept of poverty, so ,one ought not to be too pedantic about
precisely which concept should be used in attempting to measure
poverty. One knows when one sees an elephant without being able to
define it and the same applies to poverty in many contexts. There
must always be an arbitrary element in the selection of the concept
to be used, and one must avoid the dangers of reification of abstract
concepts. On the other hand, the fact that some definitions of
poverty may be as valid as others does not mean that the definition
can be left imprecise. For in that case one would not even know
exactly what it is one is measuring and would not be able to make
comparisons between poverty in different situations a,s a basis for
any sort of valid inferences concerning whether it is worse in one
than in the other or whether policy to alleviate poverty is having
any impact. Of course, there are inumerable other obstacles to
making such inferences, but one should not add to them by imprecise
definitions of what it is one is measuring on the grounds that any
definition is essentially arbitrary. The two issues are quite
distinct.
</summary>
<dc:date>1984-04-13T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Major problems as perceived by the community</title>
<link href="http://hdl.handle.net/11090/878" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Ntoane, C.N</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Mokoetle, K.E</name>
</author>
<id>http://hdl.handle.net/11090/878</id>
<updated>2020-09-15T13:39:23Z</updated>
<published>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Major problems as perceived by the community
Ntoane, C.N; Mokoetle, K.E
This study was funded by the Ford Foundation as part of a programme for training epidemiologists, and the study was designed to provide information for the Carnegie enquiry into poverty among Black communities in South Africa. Our particular interest is the relationship between ill health and poverty.  The health problems of a community are usually defined by health professionals using "objective" research methods. We felt that subjective data (llbat people feel) 1s needed to complement and integrate the reality defined by objective research methods. There is, otherwise, the danger that professional judgement will overlook some
"felt" problems of a particular community.  With this in mind, we decided to discover lIbat a cross-section of people from different communities perceived BS problems. We therefore decided to visit 14 areas and asked people to tell us what they saw as the 10 major problems in their communities. We then rated them according to the frequency with which they were mentioned. The interviews were conducted in 1982.
</summary>
<dc:date>1984-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
